I am not posing the influential author Miguna
Miguna’s question; is Kenya a country of apes? But a different one, as I
believe apes are peaceful creatures. Is Kenya going down the same path of 1994
genocide in Rwanda? It may sound to you extreme or impossible but it happened
in small scale in 2008 Kenyan post election violence. And it can happen now as the
people (now in power) who were implicated in 2008 deadly violence are now
ethnically targeting Somalis for political expediency.
In brief, according to Kenya’s 2009 census, the Somali tribe
has a population of 2,385,572 people- a figure disputed as many pastoral people
are not accounted for. Over 500,000 refugees from Somalia, live mainly in
refugee camps. In addition, large Somali communities from mainly Europe, North
America and Gulf countries heavily invested in Kenya.
The Somali tribe lives in North eastern part of the
country-the most underdeveloped region in Kenya. The total area of North
eastern region is approximately 127,358 square kilometres. In the capital,
Somalis live predominately in Eastleigh (dubbed as little Mogadishu). Eastleigh is a commercial suburban of
Nairobi. Eastleigh attracts its patrons
all the way from, Congo, Rwanda and Tanzania. Eastleigh is the third largest
source of state revenue.
Since independence in 1963, the Somalis in Kenya have been
subjected to political and economic marginalisation. Using different tactics,
Somalis were once pigeonholed as shiftas (pundits). As a result, in 1980s
atrocities of Wagalla massacre and Garisa Gubay were committed against Somalis
by the Kenyan establishment (see Aljazeera documentary Not Yet a Kenyan).
In 1989 the Kenyan government ordered all Somalis to carry separate
pink ID cards, in addition to the national identity card carried by all Kenyans.
It was deemed unconstitutional and in 2003, it was repealed. Luo
people in Kenya also live in Uganda and Tanzania. Just like Somalis live in Djibouti
and Somalia. But the Luo people are not called Luo Kenyans. They are not also
subjected to double ID cards.
Recently, there was an attempt by the government to link the
Somali capital in booming property market and piracy. But, this exercise ended
in vain. The ethnic targeting seems unrelenting. Somalis are now pigeonholed as
terrorists. Under the pretext of fighting terrorism by the Kenyan authorities,
Somalis living in Kenya have been on the receiving end of robbery, rape and
arbitrary arrests.
Today, thousands of Somalis (most of them women and
children) are detained in overcrowded police stations. Many others are rounded
up in the city's Kasarani football stadium (referred as Kasarani concentration
camp). This is, to say the least, a diminution of human dignity.
Kenya has a responsibility to protect its own citizens from terrorism
including Somalis. Somalis are the victims of terrorism too. Kenyan parliament
legislator, Yusuf Hassan-a Somali, was recently wounded in a night-time grenade
attack in Eastleigh. Garisa suffered spate of terror attacks compared to the
rest of the country.
Ironically, all the allegations levelled against Somalis, no
single Somali has yet been convicted of terror charges in Kenya.
On the other hand, Kenyan government’s claim of weeding out illegal
Somali refugees is the most unconvincing justification. Somalia is still unsafe. And Kenya ratified the
following international treaties: 1951 Geneva Convention, 1976 International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights, 1990 Convention of the Rights of the Child and
2000 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child.
However, the refugee business in Kenya is lucrative and Kenya
is the monopolist. Kenya will never covertly allow the Somali refugees to go
back. Predominantly, the Somali refugees are entrepreneurs who employ thousands
of other Kenyan tribes. Others get remittances from their families in abroad. There
are hundreds of ghost NGOs which claim to serve the so called Somali refugees.
So the whole argument becomes highly convoluted when indigenous
Somalis and UN registered refugees indiscriminately rounded up and subjected to
despair and anguish.
Behind the façade of Operation Usalama is a continuation of
the script of Uhur’s predecessors. And more precisely, an attempt to restore
Western power’s allegiance. This is a view shared by many scholars and
politicians. Among them is the former
Kenyan parliament deputy speaker Farah Moalim.
Sir Edward Clay-former British High Commissioner to Kenya
wrote:
“Following
the horror at Westgate, some seem to think a choice must be made between
bolstering Kenya in its fight against terror and letting off its President and
his deputy from their cases at the ICC. After Westgate: Uhuru Kenyata must go
to Hague”.
Democracy is more than just casting a vote. Despite the
appeal of all 32 Somali members of the Kenyan parliament, ministers and civil
leaders, the operation to cut down the Somalis is still continuing.
When recently the majority leader of the National Assembly
of Kenya, Aden Duale questioned about the treatment of his people by the government,
he was quickly portrayed as terrorism sympathiser. Is
terrorism synonymous with Somalis or Muslims? It is a mind-boggling!
Nairobi Law Monthly publisher Ahmednasir Abdullahi wrote:
“Fifty
years of abuse and neglect is too long to endure. But it is not that Kenyan
Somalis don’t want to be part of Kenya. It is Kenya that does not want Somalis
in Kenya” (Daily Nation).
Somalis in Kenya make significant contributions to business,
academia, politics and military. Disenfranchising and collectively punishing
whole community is not the remedy of terrorism.
Kenyan people are peace loving and religious tolerant
people. The current government policy
towards the Somalis and Muslims is seen as emblematic of past troubles in
Bosnia and Rwanda. The alarmist outpourings of the government, amplified by the
Kenyan media, will create deep hostility between Kenyan tribes. However, dehumanisation
towards the Somalis will remain a spectre haunting Kenya.
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